The Modi-led Government is expected to further strengthen the deep relations that Jerusalem and New Delhi enjoy. The latter has been by India’s side on many critical occasions in recent years, even though New Delhi could not openly acknowledge the fact for various, misplaced, geo-political reasons
On March 26, 1949, KL Panjabi, Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture, wrote to H Cynozicz, the representative of the Jewish Agency in India: “As discussed personally, we [Government of India] are particularly in need of experts in the following matters: 1. Expert in Cooperative Farming 2. Expert in Intensive Cultivation 3. Two or three experts in drilling tubewells both with percussion rigs as well as as rotary rigs”. The letter curiously requested Cynozicz to take up the matter “with your people in Palestine”. It was a sign of the times — India was yet to recognise Israel and would not do so until late 1950. Full diplomatic ties were to be established only in 1992.
In the meantime, India offered vociferous support to Arab causes for just about nothing in return, while relations with Israel went on the downward spiral. So much so that New Delhi even refused humanitarian aid during 1967 famine. Yet, in a parallel world of sorts, successive Indian Governments not only maintained ties with Israel but also sought Israeli assistance — for instance, military aid came from Israel during the 1971 war for the liberation of Bangladesh (which, ironically, still does not recognise the Jewish nation).
The situation turned around gradually after 1984 when Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi met his Israeli counterpart at the UN General Assembly. Three years earlier, Mr Subramanian Swamy, then a member of the Janata Party, had undertaken the first publicised tour of Israel by an Indian leader, which contributed in no small measure towards the normalising of ties.
Once the ball was set rolling, India-Israel relations grew rapidly. Apart from Israel’s steadfast pro-India stance on Kashmir, its diplomatic support during the 1998 nuclear tests, followed by military assistance during the 1999 Kargil conflict, firmly established the Jewish state as a reliable friend. By the dawn of the new millennium, New Delhi had quietly but firmly corrected its course.
So, while it continues to make noises on the Arab/Palestinian causes, particularly in international forums — think Mr Manmohan Singh’s UN address calling for the establishment of a Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital or Ms Pratibha Patil’s obscure demand in Damascus that the Golan Heights be returned to Syria — behind the scenes, New Delhi and Jerusalem have forged a solid alliance.
Defence cooperation is, of course, one of the most important anchors of the India-Israel bilateral. Israel is one of India’s largest arms supplier, second only to Russia. The bilateral arms trade over the last decade is estimated at $10 billion. Several Israeli systems and software now power Indian defence systems. For example, Israel’s Phalcon airborne warning and control system serves as India’s eyes in the skies while the latest range of Mig-21 Bisons and Su-30 MKI aircraft also boast of high-end Israeli technology.
India and Israel have also signed a homeland security deal which establishes a framework for institutionalised cooperation in counter-terrorism, border protection and intelligence sharing. Homeland security is an area wherein both Israel and India face similar challenges but the former, because of its history and location, has far greater expertise and superior technology. For example, years before India faced 26/11, five PLO members travelling from Lebanon, came to Tel Aviv on a boat and spread mayhem across that city. They took over Savoy Hotel and held guests and staff hostage overnight until Israeli special forces flushed them out. The year was 1973.
Another area of cooperation that has gained tremendous strength in recent years is agriculture — marking the completion of a full circle since the 1940s. With the signing of an Action Plan in 2008 which now extends upto 2015, between India’s National Horticulture Mission and Israel’s Agency for International Development Cooperation, Israel has been sharing its best-practices and helping build capacity in the Indian agriculture sector. Across India, 28 Centres of Excellence have been set up for rapid transfer of technology, such as drip irrigation and ‘fertigation’.
The Centre in Gharaunda, Karnal, for instance, produces hybrid plug seedlings of tomatoes, cherry-tomatoes, coloured capsicum and cucumbers which have dramatically increased crop yields while also reducing water use and cutting down on pesticides and fertilisers. Similarly, in the Dapoli centre in Maharashtra, mango trees have been rejuvenated to produce better quality and more quantity fruit. If scaled up, it can revolutionise the mango industry in the Konkan. Similar success stories have also emerged in the fields water treatment and desalination. There are also plans of incorporating Israeli technology in the cleaning up of the Ganga. In fact, Gujarat, under Mr Narendra Modi, was one of the States to partner with Israel in the field of agriculture. Now, with Mr Modi at the helm, relations between the two countries are expected to scale greater heights.
Re-imagining diplomacy in the 21st century
Israel’s outgoing Ambassador to India Alon Ushpiz offers his assessment of the emerging bilateral
On his three-year tenure: It's impossible to put three years in India in a nutshell but you don't leave India the way you came here.
As one of your Foreign Secretaries told me, diplomacy is about creating options for your Government. And the Israel-India relation is a good example of what diplomacy should look like in the 21st century — a combination of classic diplomacy and one that creates tangible things together that impact the daily lives of Indians and Israelis.
On the big takeaways from his tenure: The anchoring of the agricultural centres of excellence; Industrial R&D supplemented by academic research; and the public security agreement, which can be a strategic gamechanger.
On deliverables in the near future: In agriculture, we hope to finalise the second three-year working plan. I'm also hopeful about brining in Israeli water technology mainly with re-cycling in mind. Israel recycles 80 per cent of its sewage. India can too. We are natural water friends.
On the free trade agreement: Another round of negotiations is coming up in July. This will be the ninth round since 2010. The economic engine of the relationship is an indispensable one. We have moved from $180 million to five billion dollars in trade and can easily double or triple the number. But for that we need an FTA.
The FTA will also shift the focus to more high tech fields of interaction. This is what we are good at and this is what our economies demand.
On investment in infrastructure projects: Much of the investment, worth millions of dollars, is in the hands of private Israeli companies. Also, the Israeli Port Authority is building a port in Gujarat. Renewable energy projects in north India have shown great results too. The desalination project in Tamil Nadu is impressive. When the gate opens and you walk into the plant, it looks exactly like the one on the shores of the Mediterranean — except that everybody is Indian.
On the 2012 attack on the Embassy: You have very few cases of a foreign Government — Iran — sending its assassins to kill a hosted diplomat in the heart of the capital. Your people cracked the case and they have provided us with security that enables us to do our work.
On his love for Calcutta: Calcutta has a special place in my heart. It's exploding with energy and there's a lot of culture and tremendouly interesting people. I have always enjoyed my interactions with the Chief Minister and am grateful for her friendship and support. I am also a big fan of Bengali cuisine.
(This article was published in the op-ed section of The Pioneer on June 12, 2014)
No comments:
Post a Comment