Reaching Out To Our Neighbours

Prime Minister Modi’s bilateral engagement with heads of Government of SAARC nations and Mauritius within less than 24 hours of taking over, marks an unprecedented push in New Delhi’s relations with South Asian countries

 The inauguration of Narendra Damodardas Modi as the 15th Prime Minister of India on May 26 was a grand political spectacle, unlike any other that the world had witnessed in recent times. It was a fitting celebration of the world’s largest electoral exercise which had produced a historic popular mandate, of the kind that comes but only once in a generation, and whose strength cannot be undone by cheap pseudo-intellectual chicanery. Apart from the participation of a wide cross-section of Indian stakeholders, the invitation to regional leaders was a diplomatic masterstroke.

The presence of all eight heads of Government from Afghanistan, Bangladesh (represented by its Speaker of Parliament), Bhutan, the Maldives, Mauritius, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka at the swearing-in ceremony reiterated in no uncertain terms India’s civilisational role and position in South Asia. To use a term popularised by former Russian Foreign Minister Andrey Kozyrev in the early 1990s, the sub-continent has always been India’s ‘near abroad’, it’s ‘sphere of influence’. It is here that India’s global engagement will always be rooted, and it is here that India, as the largest social, political and economic entity, will set the agenda for regional discourse. In some ways then perhaps, the inauguration was akin to the Emperor’s coronation where all the Kings came calling.

Some may find this analogy to be imperialist in tone, and understandably so. In the past, India’s smaller neighbours have occasionally cribbed about the big brother. Yet, the fact that all eight South Asian leaders graciously attended the swearing-in of the new Prime Minister of India and his Council of Ministers shows that they all acknowledge the geo-political imperatives of the region. There is consensus that the region has the potential to become a global powerhouse if only there was greater cooperation among its members, none of whom (and this includes India) have unfortunately been able to capitalise on their inherent assets and advantages. 

And this is where the ball falls back into India’s court. As the big power in South Asia, it is India’s responsibility to engage more actively with its neighbours and lead the sub-continent towards greater regional cooperation and integration. Unfortunately, in this past decade, under the myopic guidance of the Congress-led UPA regime, India has failed in that effort. Hemmed in by decelerating growth rates and a political executive that lay paralysed for years together, New Delhi had somewhat turned away from its neighbours and isolated some of its closest friends.

In Nepal, India failed to provide enough support to that country’s fledgling democracy even as Prime Ministers walked in and out of the revolving doors of Kathmandu. In Sri Lanka, when President Mahinda Rajapaksa (after having militarily defeated the Tamil terrorist group) was bullied by the West, New Delhi did not have the spine to stand up for him. In Bangladesh, we kept ourselves at an arm’s length from one of our closest friends, even as Dhaka dutifully held up its side of the bargain. With Pakistan we frittered the hard-won gains from the previous decade and the relationship was hollowed out from within. Further out in Afghanistan, we did only slightly better in helping the war torn country rebuild, but still remained below optimal. Even in the Maldives and Bhutan, we were disconnected from our friends, a lesson that we learnt the hard way. In each of these cases, the space that was ceded by a listless Indian regime was quickly sought to be captured by other rising powers wanting to expand their footprints in the region. If India didn’t get its act together, it risked being alienated, and shall one dare say, even besieged, in its own backyard.

Thankfully, the new Government has already begun the process of course-correction. The invitation to the inauguration was the first step towards resuscitating the India Narrative in South Asia. The next step was the bilateral meetings that took place the day after the swearing-in ceremony. And if the reported outcome of these meetings is anything to go by, India is already on the right path.  According to the Ministry of External Affairs, Prime Minister Modi had ‘substantive’ meetings with all the leaders.

With Afghan President Hamid Karzai, he discussed the recent terror attack on India’s consulate in Herat and reiterated India’s commitment to the reconstruction of Afghanistan. To Bhutanese Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay, he assured India’s unflinching support to Bhutan’s socio-economic development. The duo also agreed to start four new joint hydro-electric projects and strengthen security cooperation.

Security issues were also discussed with President Abdullah Yameen of the Maldives. Islamists have been gaining a strong foothold there, and this has been a matter of concern for India. With Prime Minister Navinchandra Ramgoolam of Mauritius, Mr Modi highlighted cooperation in the maritime security sector as well as strengthening of the Indian Ocean Rim Association, which has been neglected for some time now. In the meeting with Prime Minister Sushil Koirala of Nepal, the focus was on ensuring that the democratic process in the Himalayan nation is taken to fruition with the adoption of the much-delayed Constitution. Additionally, Mr Modi also stressed on expediting the completion of the many infrastructure projects in Nepal that India was supporting, especially in the hydro-power and transmission sectors.

With President Mahinda Rajapaksa of Sri Lanka, the Prime Minister focussed on effective implementation of the national reconciliation process and also highlighted the importance of the 13th Amendment in delivering on the aspirations of the Tamil community for a life of equality, justice, peace and dignity in a united Sri Lanka. In his meeting with Speaker of Bangladesh Parliament Shirin Sharmin Chaudhury, Mr Modi acknowledged the cooperation extended by Bangladesh in all areas of mutual interest including security, power, border management, rail and road transport.

Of course, it was Mr Modi’s meeting with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan that received the most public attention. In this case, perhaps the issues that were left untouched were as important as the matters that were discussed between the two leaders. On the one hand, Prime Minister Modi’s strong stance on terrorism, his insistence that the 26/11 trial be taken to its logical conclusion and his simultaneous focus on improving trade ties offered a blueprint of how his Government will seek to map India-Pakistan relations. On the other hand, Prime Minister Sharif’s silence on the Kashmir issue and the fact he did not meet with separatist leaders (as Pakistani leaders almost always do) spoke volumes. Indeed, Mr Sharif, who defied Army pressure at home to make it to Delhi, cut a perfectly statesman-like figure during visit that included calling upon Atal Bihari Vajpayee, a significant goodwill gesture. That he did not embarrass his hosts with provocative comments (another Pakistani norm) was also much appreciated.

Expectedly, the Modi-Sharif meeting has come under a fair bit of criticism. Some commentators, who had opposed former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s meeting with Mr Sharif in New York this past September, have now also refused to endorse Mr Modi’s bilateral on the same principle — that without any change in the ground situation and no possibility of a concrete deliverable, a high-level meeting is empty symbolism. This, however, is an unnecessarily hawkish approach. First, the bilateral meetings were courtesy calls demanded by protocol, and refusing one with Mr Sharif (while entertaining all other leaders) would have amounted to insulting the guest. Second, it is unfair to use the same yardstick for Mr Modi and Mr Singh at this stage because the new Prime Minister has just started off with a clean slate. If he fumbles, like Mr Singh did at Sharm-el-Sheikh, and fails to make progress over time, he too will be called out for indulging in empty symbolism. But for now, this meeting is best viewed as a welcome, warm-up exercise. Third, by extending the olive branch to Mr Sharif, Mr Modi has effectively softened his own hardliner image and put a possibly worried neighbour somewhat at ease. Equally importantly, he has insured himself from being tagged a war-monger, in case he has to take strong measures against Pakistan at a later date.

(This article was published in the op-ed section of The Pioneer on May 29, 2014)