Yes to tolerance, no to Islamists

President Pranab Mukherjee’s recent trip to Bangladesh came in the backdrop of the ongoing Shahbagh Square protests in Dhaka where people are demanding stringent punishment to the 1971 war criminals and a ban on fundamentalists. The visit is a message of support

Given the present situation in Bangladesh where Islamists are on a rampage and more than 70 people have already lost their lives, it comes as no surprise that President Pranab Mukherjee was advised against visiting Dhaka earlier this week. But by sticking to his schedule nevertheless and going ahead with the visit, which on hindsight can be termed as hugely successful, Mr Mukherjee did more to strengthen India’s relationship with Bangladesh than any other leader has possibly done in recent time.

For one, the visit was his first one abroad after taking over as President, and the soft diplomatic appeal of India’s first Bengali President choosing Bangladesh for his first foreign trip was simply irresistible. More importantly, the visit was the key to expressing India’s solidarity with the people of Bangladesh at a time when they are struggling to right historic wrongs and eventually redefine their future as a secular, democratic country.

From a political point of view, it was of course a huge show of support for Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League-led Government that have consistently been good friends to India. Indeed, by not cowering before the goons of the Jamaat-e-Islami who have unleashed mayhem in that country, Mr Mukherjee has sent out a strong message against fundamentalist elements in Bangladesh and for democratic movements.

Of course, some experts have criticised his trip for being ill-timed and partisan; they have argued that the President should have postponed the visit so that it would allow him to distance himself from the ongoing internal turmoil in Bangladesh as well as leave enough diplomatic space for New Delhi to work with a Government that could well be formed by today’s Opposition parties.

This line of argument gained traction particularly after Opposition leader and chief of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party Khaleda Zia cancelled her meeting with Mr Mukherjee, prompting some to wrongly suggest that the President was unnecessarily polarising the situation for New Delhi. There was absolutely no reason why Mr Mukherjee should have played safe and chickened out just because Begum Zia was too petty a politician to rise above partisan politics and honour her commitment to a visiting head of state.

But then again, perhaps it is a bit too much to expect any better from someone like Begum Zia who, less than a week ago, had publicly supported the rioting Jamaatis that unsurprisingly form her most important electoral ally. Instead of trying to rein them in, the two-time former Prime Minister of Bangladesh accused the Awami League Government of running a hate campaign against the Jamaat-e-Islami whose top leaders are currently on trial for committing crimes against humanity during the 1971 War of Liberation. At that time, the Jamaatis colluded with the Pakistani Army to perpetrate the genocide of Bengalis, in which three million were killed and 10 million became refugees. It was the Army-Jamaatis’ desperate bid to suppress the nationalist movement that would eventually lead to the birth of sovereign Bangladesh.

Yet, even if they failed in their efforts to keep the Bengali people chained to their masters in Pakistan at that time, the Jamaatis never really gave up on their ways or their old agenda. In the four decades since the War of Liberation, the Jamaat-e-Islami has effectively functioned as a front organisation for its Pakistani patrons, while the party’s leaders have persisted with their efforts to inject into the Bangladeshi mainstream the most retrograde version of political Islam.

It comes as no surprise then that in the days since the International War Crimes Tribunal sentenced to death the most senior of Jamaati leaders Delwar Hossein Sayeedi, the Islamists have not only clashed with protesters and police but also attacked Hindu minorities. Temples have been razed to the ground and Hindu villages targeted — much like they were four decades ago by the razakars of those days. Clearly, things have not really changed in the intervening years, and even as Bangladesh tries to heal the wounds of its bloody past, it seems like the ghosts of 1971 may return to haunt the nation again.

Against this backdrop, it is imperative that India plays a more active role in ensuring that the situation in Bangladesh does not boil over onto its own borders. It must urge the Sheikh Hasina Government to deal with the Jamaatis with a firm hand so that they do not rear their ugly head again, especially in the event of a pro-Islamist Government coming to power.

In fact, the ongoing protests at Dhaka’s Shahbagh Square are essentially a response to this fear. Of course, the central theme of the protests is still about bringing to justice the 1971 war criminals and ensuring they get the punishment they deserve, but let us not forget that one of the other key demands of the protesters is a ban on the Jamaat-e-Islami and its brand of virile Islamist politics.

What is happening in Bangladesh is a historic development, as it marks the first time since Turkey decided to go secular that a Muslim-majority nation has chosen a secular identity for itself over its allegiance to a universal ummah. That India must support the right-thinking Bangladeshi people in securing these aspirations goes without saying, especially since they remain threatened by the devious designs of the Jamaatis.

(This article was published in the op-ed section of The Pioneer on March 7, 2013.)